While Mario Draghi, speaking in Leuven, points to the need for Europe to move from “confederation” to “federation” in the future, sharing ambitious choices that look to the future — possibly with variable geographies —, there are those within the EU who are hindering the process.
“Power requires Europe to move from confederation to federation”, Draghi said bluntly. “Where Europe has federated — on trade, on competition, on the single market, on monetary policy —, we are respected as a power and negotiate as one”. As a peaceful power, founded on shared values and interests, open to the world. With rules written together and common institutions that truly take decisions.
Yet this is the opposite path to that pursued by the prevailing nationalisms which — precisely today, when a strong and cohesive Europe is needed — are holding back the integration process.
Thus the 27 remain at the mercy of the various Trumps, Putins and Xi Jinpings, unable to define credible responses in the fields of defence, the environment, taxation, and the “social pillar”. As well as of migration.
Indeed, relegated to second place behind wars, defence and US tariffs, migration is not a European policy, because it remains in the hands of national governments that are incapable — this is a matter of fact — of creating regular channels for immigration, sharing responsibility for welcoming migrants, and preventing and avoiding deaths at sea or along the Balkan route.
In this fearful Europe, it serves perhaps political purposes to do everything possible to keep at bay those fleeing hunger and war, without even considering that, in the “old continent”, young people would be a godsend in responding to Europe’s demographic crisis.
Thus, the Commission has recently presented a “European Asylum and Migration Management Strategy” and, at the same time, a “EU Visa Policy Strategy”: two complex sets of measures whose common thread is the closure of borders.
The Commission reiterated “the Union’s determination to put in place a framework that is fair and firm, and that effectively manages migration together with partner countries, delivering solutions while remaining true to European values”.
Above all, it affirmed the legitimate principle that it is Europe that decides who enters the EU and under what circumstances. This is certainly not the first proposal, strategy, plan or package of measures that the Commission has put forward in this field. In this case, the strategy — according to the Commission — sets out the path to be followed in order to achieve three main objectives: preventing irregular migration and disrupting the activities of criminal smuggling networks; protecting people fleeing war and persecution while preventing abuse of the system; and attracting talent to the EU to boost the competitiveness of our economies.
Yet the routes proposed, more or less trodden in the past, have produced no results:
landings in Italy continue, the Mediterranean remains a cemetery, and young, skilled people from the global South have no way of arriving, even though European businesses in various productive sectors are complaining of labour shortages of every kind.
There are five priorities on which the new migration management strategy is intended to focus. First of all, “stepping up migration diplomacy”. “We will further reinforce an assertive migration diplomacy that promotes the EU’s interests and values. Managing migration — the Commission explains — is a global challenge that requires us to work in solidarity while ensuring a fair-sharing of responsibility” (which has been lacking so far). The Commission will “reinforce its efforts, together with Member States, to increase cooperation with international partners” (comprehensive and mutually beneficial partnerships; using incentives and levers across all strategic areas such as visa policy, trade and financial support; implementing a whole-of-route approach that helps partners to build resilient and humane migration and asylum frameworks; stepping up the fight against migrant smuggling; promoting pathways to protection and supporting returns from third countries).
The second element of the strategy is “strong EU borders to enhance control and security”. Third, a “firm, fair and adaptable” asylum and migration system. Fourth, more effective returns. Fifth, labour and talent mobility “to boost competitiveness”.
Yet the words most frequently heard in Brussels, and in almost all capitals, are precisely these two: borders and returns. The rest, for the time being, remains on paper.
